Phi-features in resumption
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If you have a question about this talk, please contact Dr Theresa Biberauer.
This paper argues that resumptive pronouns may be devoid of phi features syntactically, as neither their semantics (as bound variables) nor their morphology (which may be default) requires such features. However, such `bare’ resumptives, to receive their interpretation as bound variables, require a binder, and, given a phase theoretic model of interpretation, the binder must be appropriately local. I show how the predictions of such a model are borne out in a variety of languages.
This talk is part of the Cambridge-QMUL Phi Workshop series.
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