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SUMMARY:Events\, Islands\, and Cyclicity - Robert Truswell (UCL)
DTSTART:20070529T170000Z
DTEND:20070529T183000Z
UID:TALK7159@talks.cam.ac.uk
CONTACT:Dr Theresa Biberauer
DESCRIPTION:*Events\, Islands\, and Cyclicity*\n\nAbstract:\nThis talk com
 es in three parts\, and has three aims:\n\nA) A novel characterisation of 
 adjunct island phenomena in terms of event structure\, which accounts not 
 only for the existence of many grammatical cases of extraction from adjunc
 ts in English\, but also for\nthe sensitivity of patterns of extraction fr
 om adjuncts to aspectual class\, in terms of both acceptability and interp
 retation (1).  This semantic account still  maintains some robust generali
 sations\, such as the impossibility of extraction from tensed adjuncts (2)
 .\n\n(1a)  What did John drive Mary crazy [whistling t]? [FINE]\n\n(1b)  W
 hat did John arrive [whistling t]? [FINE]\n\n(1c)  What does John work [wh
 istling t]? [BAD]\n\n(1d) Which of these magic hats does John know Georgia
 n [wearing t]? [BAD]\n\n(2) What did John drive Mary crazy [because he whi
 stled t]? [BAD]\n\nB) An extension of the event-structural condition propo
 sed in part A to cover factive island phenomena.  The impossibility of ext
 raction from a factive complement is related to the fact that such a compl
 ement is presupposed (3a)\, while the complement of a bridge verb is not (
 3b).\n\n(3a) Who did John regret [that Mary kissed t]? [BAD]\n\n(3b)  Who 
 did John say [that Mary kissed t]? [FINE]\n\nC) An argument for a cyclic m
 odel of the grammar in  which the output of the syntactic component is pas
 sed to the semantics after every clause\, or after every step of wh-moveme
 nt.  I show that if we attempt to apply\nthe event-structural condition fr
 om part A to the bridge verb structures from part B in a global fashion\, 
 we incorrectly predict extraction from any adjunct embedded under a bridge
  verb to be possible (4).\n\n(4) What did Bill say [t' that John drove Mar
 y crazy [because he whistled t]]? [BAD]\n\nThis problem evaporates if we c
 heck the event  structural condition from part A after the intermediate mo
 vement step in (4)\, suggesting a model of the grammar incorporating some 
 version of cyclic spell-out.\n
LOCATION:G-R04\, English Faculty
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